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Showing posts with label Native Science. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Native Science. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 22, 2014

Breaking Barriers: Integrating Native Scientific Perspectives into Resource Management Frameworks

Many cultures have worldviews which are similar in process to science but have been designated to be myth or magic for not being disseminated in a standardized manner. This paper examines the social and historical development of indigenous stewardship models. There has been a lack of integration between the native science perspective and the scientific community. The epistemological and institutional barriers which have attributed to this lack of integration will be examined, along with examples of how both worldviews can collaborate on new stewardship management models.

The scientific community places a high regard on the knowledge developed by specialists, which has been acquired through a systematic set of repeatable experimentation. Results are generally compartmentalized and shared conservatively (Ross et al. 2011,  97-98). Indigenous communities favor a community based, holistic approach, which has been founded on empirical observation over an extended length of time (Ross et al. 2011, 98). The differences in these practices are a manifestation reflecting how each group understands the natural world. Science sees nature as a separate entity, which must be conquered and controlled or it would do the same to humankind. This fuels the inherent need to overcome a wild and untamed wilderness. Rather than seeking control over nature, the native scientific perspective is a “science of the subtle,” honing in on the small intricacies of the natural world by forming a deep personal relationship with it (Cajete 2000, 17). The Native perspective does not distinguish between the natural world and humankind.  Humans are seen as an inseparable component of the natural world. Rather than adhering to defined laws and theoretical frameworks, the native scientific perspective attempts to understand the nature or essence of things, as nature is constantly in flux (Cajete 2000, 72). The methods reflect direct experience, interconnectedness and holism and are integrated into a whole lifestyle, which aids in creating a basic schema for action in the mind (Cajete 2000, 66). The basic philosophies of the native scientific perspective reflect the spirit and energy of all things, which is integrated into its methodologies, dissemination of knowledge and the development of new technologies (Cajete 2000, 64-65).

Many methods are similar to those used in contemporary notions of scientific methodology, however basis and intent differ. Observation of plants, animals, weather, healing events, ecologies of nature all occur in the native scientific methodology, however they occur over a long period of time (Cajete 2000, 67). There is no real deliberate attempt to alter natural events, as is often the goal of the scientific community however experiments for practical purposes do occur (Cajete 2000, 67). The native scientific perspective considers meaning and understanding of nature to be of a higher priority than the prediction and control sought by other sciences. While the scientific community maintains a strong sense of objectivity, the native perspective asserts that objectivity is found in subjectivity, and stresses direct personal experiences, and a relationship to nature that will reveal more subtlety and understanding. (Cajete 2000, 67-68).

There is a scheme of order and harmony in the world which is acknowledged by the native perspective; however there is also an inherent diversity and chaos which can disrupt any scheme. This possibility of unpredictable chance is an underlying concept for multiple indigenous cultures (Cajete 2000, 68). Causality can be derived from both the physical and non-physical as all entities are considered to have energy and will (Cajete 2000, 69). Teaching native models is subtly communicated through ceremony and ritual, with symbols, songs and stories deeply coded beyond simple archetypes, to develop a worldview. Ceremonial structures and art typically reflect the universe and natural world. (Cajete 2000, 68-69). The mind, body and spirit are considered to be a finely tuned scientific instrument to receive knowledge. This knowledge is received through means of altered stated of consciousness, dreams, and meditation (Cajete 2000, 69). Dreams and Visions are considered to be a natural means for accessing knowledge which are to be encouraged and facilitated (Cajete 2000, 71). This is possible because there is no distinction between science and spirituality. Every act, element, plant, animal, and natural process has a spirit with which humans continually communicate (Cajete 2000, 69). There is a life force and natural energy in everything, which must be understood and respected in light of itself (Cajete 2000, 71), and not from categorically imposed criteria.

The methods of technological development differ from that of contemporary science, as the adoption of technology is conservative and based on intrinsic needs only. There is no need to develop any technologies for the sake of knowledge itself (Cajete 2000, 69). Explanation in the native scientific perspective uses multiple metaphoric platforms such as storytelling, symbolgy and images rather than a peer-reviewed scientific journal approach (Cajete 2000, 69). Written records have been kept, through birch bark, hides, structures, and petroglyphs and pictographs (Cajete 2000, 70). Authority and credibility are established not from an institutional designation or degree program, but are gained through an individual’s experience and accomplishments (Cajete 2000,69). Elders are considered respected carriers of knowledge, wisdom, and experience. They receive the highest regard as teachers and guides for native science (Cajete 2000, 71). The native perspective views humankind as having an  integral responsibility to the natural world, and to further cultural knowledge of this responsibility. The ultimate focus is on sustainable stewardship and ecology (Cajete 2000, 70).

When settlers first entered the Americas, they assumed the pristine conditions had existed prior to Native American stewardship, ans failed to realize these conditions had been carefully tended for long term (Diekmann et al, 2007). Native Americans have practiced their responsibility as stewards of the natural world through variable plant harvesting techniques. The frequency and intensity of harvesting was meticulously considered, to provide the best conditions for humankind along with plant and animals .The idea of leaving potions of plants behind for future generations has been integral to the native scientific perspective (Anderson 2005, 127-130). Native American groups also had methods or irrigation, weeding, and transplanting (Anderson 2005, 142-144).

Native Americans used controlled burning techniques, which had benefits of decreasing accumulated plant matter, and recycling nutrients into the soil (Anderson 2005, 144). It was also helpful in the influence of insects and pathogens which may have been detrimental to the forests (Anderson 2005, 145). The enhanced conditioned help local plant and wildlife to thrive, and could also be used to detour wildlife to specific areas for hunting (Anderson 2005, 148-149).
A history of conquest and conflicting ideals has inhibited Native involvement in resource management programs from contact to the present. Settlers have impacted not only the culture (by removal, reservations, and down-right genocide), but the landscape which they had been so quick to call pristine. This is especially evident in the large scars left behind in California from massive hydraulic mining projects (Anderson 2005, 91).

There are deeply rooted epistemological barriers which have made it difficult for a native science perspective to be recognized as a legitimate science. They are a result of misunderstanding and bias, and a general lack of recognition that Indigenous Knowledge has a place in natural resource management (Ross et al. 2011, 98). There are also very narrow definitions in the scientific field, and words such as spirit, tradition, and custom often translate to a description of persons who are incapable of any form of scientific worldview (Ross et al. 2011, 99). The expression of knowledge as spiritual or social is a concept which science has difficulty accepting (Ross et al. 2011, 101). Native science knowledge is typically not proven using the same methodology used by scientists, and is therefore assumed to be invalid (Ross et al. 2011,  100). There are also issues in the translation of knowledge, as scientific frameworks require Indigenous groups to translate knowledge into a form which may alter its meaning and understanding. This carries to the codification of knowledge, as the need to write down information is not inherent to all cultures, and often requires boundaries to be drawn where there weren’t any(Ross et al. 2011, 101-103). This is especially noticeable when physical boundaries are to be delineated as with mapping. The idea that there is an ownership of knowledge does not exist in the native perspective. The scientific community thrives on individualism, creating a competition to patent knowledge, rather than a community process (Ross et al. 2011, 101-103).

These epistemological barriers, along with an abrasive history extend into institutional management, where bureaucratic systems have many requirements and the involvement of outsiders is difficult (Ross et al. 2011, 107). A primary issue is that native perspectives often do not fit into the management framework that has already been developed (Ross et al. 2011, 107). State power often impedes the native perspective, and this power is inherently assumed to be of the best interests to all. Tribes however, must legally prove state actions have been detrimental to the health and well-being of their people and so another barrier is in place.

                Joint management strategies present a legal sharing of power between a government agency and a community or organization (Ross et al. 2011, 198). This is not the ideal for integration, as it places the government agency in a higher position than Tribes. Co-management strategies allow for a formal agreement, but are typically not legally binding  (Ross et al. 2011, 207). Finally, many governments have developed concepts of Indigenous Protected Areas, land set aside for resource management and Indigenous use (Ross et al. 2011, 211). In the United States, the National Register for Historic Places had added the designation of Tribal Cultural Properties; however this still requires that physical boundaries be placed where they previously may not have occurred (Parker and King 1998).


In order to better integrate the native science perspective into contemporary science, an epistemological shift must occur. There are systems and institutions in place which must be revamped and employed to cater to all modes of scientific thought. A balance can exist between the rigorous record keeping and repetitive experimentation with the subtle intimate relationship to the natural world. There is room for all perspectives if they are let in.

Anderson, Kat. Tending the Wild: Native American Knowledge and the Management of  California's Natural Resources. Berkeley: University of California, 2005.

Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light, 2000.

Diekmann, Lucy, Lee Panich, and Chuck Striplen. "Native American Management and the Legacy of Working Landscapes in California: Western Landscapes Were Working Long before Europeans Arrived." Rangelands 29.3 (2007): 46-50.

Parker, Patricia and Thomas King. Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties. Department of the Interior National Register Bulletin, 1998.


Ross, Anne and Kathleen Pickering Sherman, Jeffrey G. Snodgrass, Henry D. Delacore, Richard     Sherman.  Indigenous Peoples and the Collaborative Stewardship of Nature: Knowledge     Binds and Institutional Conflicts. Walnut Creek (Calif.): Left Coast, 2011.

Wednesday, October 15, 2014

A History of Gold Mining Technology in California and Subsequent Impacts on Natural Resources


This post explores the evolution of gold mining technology in California, and the negative repercussions for indigenous uses of natural resources. First, I have provided an exploration of the different techniques used by California placer miners, and their subsequent effects on the environment. My discussion looks at the difference in worldview between Indigenous people and gold miners, and applies concepts from coursework to this study.

Placers are deposits of gravels that contain small amounts of various minerals, in this case, gold (Yeend, et al, 1998). In the first few years of the gold rush, surface placer deposits were abundant (Limbaugh, 1998) but as gold dwindled from the surface and into the miners’ pockets, created the need to develop more invasive mining technology. As placer mining technology transformed, the changes were developed with the goal being an increase of production, rather than an interest in preserving natural resources.

Because of the original abundance of gold, technology was that of reuse. Prospectors arrived with whatever may help, including shovels, picks, butcher knives, frying pans. Many of the tools and techniques adopted by miners were used by other cultures for years. For example, the batea from Spain, a bowl carved from a single block of wood. Miners were also known to use the intricate watertight baskets woven by the indigenous peoples of the Northwest Coast (Limbaugh 1998).

Although the panning process was not the most destructive mode of mining technology to the environment (these techniques had been used by Indigenous Peoples for long prior to the Gold Rush), the miners themselves were destructive. Chatterjee accounts that the, “settlers arrived and set about tearing up the river beds and hillsides for mining and chopping down forests for firewood to keep themselves warm and to cook, devastating the traditional food supply” (Chatterjee, 1998, 3). He provides the example of the Tahoe basin region, whose forests were devastated for a reach of one hundred miles at least (Chatterjee 1998).

By the 1850’s the surface placer gold deposits had been severely depleted, and prospectors began to develop heavier technology: the sluice, long tom, and rocker. These new devices used water and gravity to separate the heavier gold pieces from light gravel and sand (Limbaugh 1998). Water consumption increased, as well as the amount of placer deposits removed. Along with sluice boxes, miners used amalgamation, in which the riffle bars of sluice boxes were coated with mercury, to “capture” the pure gold. They then cleaned the gold by burning off the mercury (Limbaugh 1998). These chemicals have since found their way into towns and affect fish and wildlife in the communities (Chatterjee, 1996, 11).

The process of hydraulic mining is one of the most destructive forms of mining technology. Limbaugh refers to this “breakthrough” as a “revolutionary process using the destructive power of high-pressure water to exploit thick, deeply buried placer deposits at the lowest possible cost (Limbaugh, 1998, 33) Hydraulic mining was capable of speeding up the process of gold mining by weeks (Chatterjee, 1996, 16).The effects of hydraulic mining were that it causes an immense amount of debris. Approximately 40,000 acres of farmland and orchards were destroyed when buried by the washed down sediment (Chatterjee, 1996, 15). According to Anderson, the most affected rivers were the Feather, Yuba, Bear, and American rivers in California (Anderson, 2005, 99). Hydraulic technology was replaced by use of chemicals such as mercury and cyanide leach technology later in the 1960s (Chatterjee, 1996, 22). Mercury had been used prior in the sluice box, but was now on a much larger scale.

Although the focus of this post is the effects on natural resources, it is important to reiterate that at this time there was also widespread explicit genocide on Native Americans in California. Native Americans had mining claims as well, but were in many cases forced off by miners. Shopkeepers developed the “digger ounce” as a way to swindle the gold the Native Americans were able to mine at this time. The violence expanded into a widespread militia and several massacres, the cultural damage of which is still prominent in many Native American societies (Chatterjee 1996).

One of the primary concepts we have been examining in this Native Perspective on Natural Resources course, is the difference in worldview between indigenous people and settlers. Although the presence of gold had been known prior to its “discovery” at Sutter’s mill in 1848 (Sawin 1949), this event is an example of the revival of the American Dream myth that has been blindly followed by Americans.

                Gregory Cajete offers two concepts which I believe represent the underlying difference in native and non-native worldview perception. These terms are biophilia, which is described as an innate instinct of human beings to facilitate themselves around living things, and biophobia, a basic instinct of human beings to fear nature (Cajete, 2000). The difference is a feeling of community and relationship with nature, versus the constant fear of death that creates a mistrust of nature. I find this biophobia to be the underlying influence for non-native science. I also relate this to the social/spiritual expression barrier from Indigenous Peoples and the Collaborative Stewardship of Nature, because non-native thinkers[1] have a mistrusting relationship with nature, and the universe in general, which leads to the constant questioning and proof-seeking epistemology.

                The California Gold Rush is an event that occurred as part of new Americans attempting to fulfill the myth of the American Dream. This is the era of the industrial revolution, which had resulted in idea that science, innovation, and technology could lead to success and material wealth (Limbaugh 1996). The need to fulfill this myth provided enough rationalization for the miners to ignore the consequences of their actions, and eliminate any competition to their success.

                This myth has protruded into the present era, as shown by the elevated status Americans give the story and the absence of Indigenous perspectives from the literature. In my research for example, many sources tended to leave out the fact that Sutter’s mill was on Maidu land, and Maidu workers helped greatly in the “discovery” of the gold (Chatterjee 1996).

                Mining practices have persisted into the present as well, however there are also those dedicated to the study of the process of sediment disruption from the Gold Rush (Allan, 1989). The continued degradation of natural resources has continued, hidden away in the depths of our culture and we are unaware the myth even exists and continue to follow it blindly. However, as more Americans become aware of our civil religion creation myth, perhaps we can begin to end the cycle of violence that is so inherent in our country.


Bibliography

Anderson, Kat. 2005. Tending the Wild: Native American Knowledge and the Management of California's Natural Resources. Berkeley: University of California.

Cajete, Gregory. 2000. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light.

Chatterjee, Pratap. 1996. Gold, Greed and Genocide: Unmasking the Myth of the '49ers. Berkeley, CA: Project Underground.

James, L. Allan. "Sustained Storage and Transport of Hydraulic Gold Mining Sediment in the Bear River, California." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 79.4 (1989):570-92.

Limbaugh, Ronald H. “Making Old Tools Work Better: Pragmatic Adaptation and Innovation in Gold-Rush Technology." California History 77.4 (1998) 24-51.

Ross, Anne, Kathleen Pickering Sherman, Jeffrey G. Snodgrass, Henry D. Delacore, and Richard Sherman. Indigenous Peoples and the Collaborative Stewardship of Nature: Knowledge Binds and Institutional Conflicts. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast, 2011.

Yeend, Warren, Peter H. Stauffer, and James W. Hendley II. 1998. Supporting Sound Management of Our Mineral Resources: Rivers of Gold--placer Mining in Alaska.   Reston, Va.: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, U.S. Geological Survey.




[1] When I say non-native, I refer to the general characteristics that have been ascribed to “Western” thinking in general

Friday, October 3, 2014

Past and Present Collide: Maintaining Natural Resources along the Klamath River


I am focusing on the perspective of the tribes who are local to the area. My original research questions were: what are the causes of environmental damage to the river area? How does this damage affect the tribes who rely on the river’s natural resources? What can be done to attempt to reverse the negative effects?  I began with background research into the history of issues, getting the majority of my information from internet resources. The Tribal perspectives I gained from various writings, stories and presentations from Native Peoples.

The Klamath River runs from the Upper Klamath Lake in southwest Oregon, through northern California (Friends of the River). There are four Tribes living in the vicinity of the River: the Klamath, Yurok, Karuk, and Hupa. These groups rely on the natural resources of the river for their subsistence and cultural practices, therefore the degradation of the environment has a direct impact on their ability to maintain their way of life in the present (Klamath Riverkeeper).

The main cause of damage to the Klamath environment can be attributed to PacifiCorp’s hydropower project. This project consists of six dams total; however the removal efforts have been focused around four in particular: the Copco 1 and 2, J.C. Boyle, and Iron Gate developments. The first dam (Copco 1) was completed in 1918, and is a 126 foot high powerhouse dam, with no ladder allowing upstream fish travel, in fact, all but the JC Boyle Dam are lacking upstream passage for fish runs. The final and tallest dam to be installed (Iron Gate) was completed in 1962 and stands 173 feet high. The generating capacity for the four problem dams combined is 145 megawatts (American Rivers). This amounts to 1% of PacifiCorp’s energy demands (Friends of the River).

One of the most prominent effects stemming from the dams is the occurrence of a toxic blue-green species of algae, Microcystis aeruginosa. This algae is native to the Klamath River, however it is not known to flourish in flowing water. The stagnant waters created by the imposing dams create an ideal breeding ground. Microcystis aeruginosa produces a compound that has been known to cause liver failure, and the levels in the Klamath have been measured up to four thousand times what the World Health Organization would consider a moderate risk to human health (Klamath Riverkeeper).

The effects of the algae are not only seen in water quality, but on fish populations as well. There has been a significant decrease in the numbers of Coho Salmon, Chinook Salmon, Bull Trout, and Steelhead just to name a few. Above the Iron Gate Dam, all anadromous salmon and steelhead are extinct (Friends of the River).This affects the culture and subsistence to Native tribes, who in the past exercised great legal control over the way they caught fish, in order to preserve their population numbers and ensure subsistence for all who lived in the river vicinity. Lucy Thompson, a Yurok author documented her story, relaying the use of small, traditional fish dams. She says the downriver people would only take as much salmon as they needed, then remove the dams so that the tribes upriver could catch some as well. The dam laws were highly enforced, so that all people and animal kind could benefit, and they always left enough salmon to spawn the next year (Margolin 52-53). Indigenous cultures share a worldview that is very different from the western perspective. Instead of seeing resources as something that is quickly running out, they understand the earth’s capacity to renew itself. These ideas were once understood by Europeans (for example, the word resource is derived from a French word meaning “to rise again”), but have since been forgotten (Anderson 9).

                There are many other issues other than the PacifiCorp hydropower project that affect the local Tribes. Industrial pollution and agricultural practices introduce chemicals to public lands. Many tribes rely on clean water and non-toxic plants for cultural subsistence, and these natural resources have become tainted (Klamath Riverkeeper). Pesticide spraying is especially threatening to cultures who utilize the plants, as many basket weavers harvest and prepare resources using their mouth (Anderson 319). Placer (hydraulic mining) which began in the gold rush era but is still occurring sporadically disrupts sediment in the river, and washes it downstream. Another big issue has been the suppression of tribal burning. This is the practice of controlled burning in specific, carefully monitored areas, which clears brush and helps to prevent more uncontrollable wildfire (Klamath Riverkeeper). Because this practice has been ended, the forests surrounding Klamath are more subject to wildfire, which bears the risk of a decrease in forest. Less forest means a decline in the availability of traditional foods.

It is not only subsistence for the Tribes that is negatively affected; there are many repercussions to their culture as well. Many Tribes have close ties with their environment, and use many natural resources for traditional clothing, baskets, and housing. Theodora Kroeber’s book The Inland Whale depicts a story as told by Robert Spott, a member of the Yurok Tribe. This story tells of a woman and her would-be daughter-in-law who make use of the natural resources around them. They used salmon and acorns as food, and used grasses to make baskets to hold their excess. They also used bark from trees to make skirts and aprons (Kroeber 21). When access to these resources is threatened, it diminishes the ability to maintain cultural practices, which causes stress on the mind and physique of Native Peoples. They are thrown into a culture of confusion, one that is off balance.

This world out of balance became manifested at the beginning of the fall semester, in an incident where a gray whale found its way upriver and became trapped. This was seen by many natives as an omen, one that had been described in the same Inland Whale story that was recounted by Robert Spott:

To a world in balance, the flat earth’s rise and fall, as it floats on Underneath Ocean, is almost imperceptible, and nothing is disturbed by it. Doctors know that to keep this balance, the people must dance the World Renewal Dances, bringing their feet down strong and hard on the earth. If they are careless about this, it tips up and if it tips more than a very little, there are strange and terrible misplacements. One of the worst of these occurred before Nenem’s grandparents’ time…This was the time when the earth tipped so far that Downriver Ocean came over the bar and flowed up the river, filling and overflowing the canyon, carrying its waters and its fish and other sea life far inland, past even the Center of the World-farther than it had ever penetrated before. With prayers and dancing, balance was eventually restored and the ocean flowed back down the canyon and outside the bar, carrying the fish and other sea life with it, except for a young female whale [Ninawa] who had been washed all the way into Fish Lake and was left stranded there (Kroeber 25).

Although no specific cause of death could be determined, the omen surrounding the death of the gray whale in the Klamath brought the environment to front and center attention.

What can be done to help the Klamath? There are several activist organizations dedicated to reversing the damage, for example the Klamath Riverkeeper, who focus on restoring water quality and fisheries along the river. There has also been a huge movement to undam the Klamath, which thanks to the efforts of such activists and Tribal opposition has been scheduled to occur by the year 2020 (American Rivers). This process however, has a big price tag; 90 million dollars (Friends of the River).

There are also efforts to educate the youth and public about the native perspective of the environment. Ron Reed has been working with department of interior to put together Klamath Basin Youth Employment Education Initiative- traditional knowledge courses taught in western style, based on holistic ecosystem perspective (which is basically If one part of system fails, it affects others); will help spread knowledge on how to sustain these natural resources of the Klamath.


American Rivers: http://www.americanrivers.org/our-work/restoring-rivers/dams/projects/restoring-klamath-river.html

Anderson, Kat. Tending the Wild: Native American Knowledge and the Management of California's Natural Resources. Berkeley: University of California, 2005.

Friends of the River: http://www.friendsoftheriver.org/site/PageServer?pagename=KlamathBackground

Klamath Riverkeeper: http://klamathriver.org/

Kroeber, Theodora. The Inland Whale. Indiana U.P.; M. Paterson, 1959.

Margolin, Malcolm. The Way We Lived: California Indian Stories, Songs & Reminiscences. Berkeley, Ca. Heyday, 1993. Print.

Monday, December 10, 2012

Response to a presentation from the Yurok Condor Restoration Program

The Yurok Condor Restoration program was developed in order to protect and restore the California condor as a culturally significant and endangered species.

Condors are culturally important to the Yurok tribe, for several reasons. Williams mentioned that their feathers are one of the strongest sources of power for doctors. Condors themselves are (Feathers are most powerful source for doctor, are considered important aspect of world renewal help to restore the cycle of the world, and allow for balance.

Williams mentioned that in 1982 there was a total number of twenty-two condors in CA. Condors have been bred successfully in captivity, however, condors only lay one egg every other year (or whatever it is), and this slow reproductive cycle makes them difficult to rehabilitate. She compared the condor to the “canary in the coal mine”, as they need a perfectly balanced environment to survive. Habitat studies by the restoration program have designated the Minez and Bald Hills areas well suited for condor habitat. Factors involved in this determination were distance from power lines and roads, vegetation, and terrain ruggedness.

The loss of the condor brought a loss of culture. Williams relayed there had been a specially designated condor song in the Jump Dance. The need for feathers for ceremonial regalia has also provided an issue. The solution to this issue is found in feather repositories, which collect the feathers from endangered birds (which by law cannot be disposed of). Tribes can request these feathers, and after significant waiting period are granted feathers for cultural use. I think the repositories are a great idea. I attended a presentation by the Umatilla on the process of such repositories. This issue they mentioned was the low number of repositories, so distance and access may be an issue for some tribes. Although the process is tedious, it is a beginning to the type of collaboration that must occur between government and tribes.

I really commend the hunter outreach programs; they provide education and communication in a great community based way. It shows that working together (between agencies or individuals) is more productive than working against each other.

In conclusion, I believe the Yurok Condor Restoration Program is a prime example of how not only agencies and tribes can collaborate, but how to educate the community. An interrelated web of communication holds stronger than separate threads of tension.

Wednesday, December 5, 2012

Natural Resources issues for Indigenous communities

From a class discussion in my course on Native Perspectives in Natural Resources:

Globalization
Globalization refers to increasing international connections especially in the realms of economics, politics and culture. The group used an image which depicted a map of the continental layout superimposed with huge corporations(McDonalds, Coca-Cola, Marlboro, BMW, Disney.) to show just how extensive some of these corporations are. All of these names are known internationally. Globalization of the oil industry has greatly affected Indigenous communities for example, the Gwich'in peoples. The oil industry is severely depleting caribou calving grounds, which impacts not only subsistence, but spirit and culture as well.

Greenhouse Gases
The major greenhouse gases are Water Vapor (H20), Carbon Dioxide (CO2), Methane (CH4), Nitrous Oxide (N2O), Ozone (O3). As these gases build up, they impede solar deflection. This process is thought by many to be exacerbating global warming.

Wind Energy
The tribes involved in the wind energy program of the Northern Plaines are the Rosebud Sioux-South Dakota, Fort Berthold Indian Reservation-North Dakota (Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Tribes), Oneida-Wisconsin, Lower Brule Sioux-South Dakota, and the Flandreau Santee Sioux-South Dakota. The project began in 1995 and the first wind energy turbine was installed on the Rosebud reservation in February of 2003, funded by grants and loans.

Nuclear energy

The tar sands oil extraction process in Canada has had adverse effects on forest, water, natural gas, land and air resources. This oil, known as “dirty fuel” contains twenty percent more carbon dioxide than regularly extracted oil. This process Creates acid rains which then pollutes the water supply; fish develop deformities, are higher in mercury and arsenic, and they taste like oil.

Thursday, November 29, 2012

Tending the Wild: Thoughts after reading Anderson's Text

Native people had many effects, both positive and negative on the landscape of California. One way their practices had a positive effect was on California’s unique biodiversity. Two practices in particular, burning and the passing of traditional ecological knowledge, helped to increase the biodiversity of California.

“Traditional gathering, practiced holistically as both gathering and management, has the potential to promote biodiversity and restore communities to their formerly more heterogeneous conditions” (Anderson 331). One practice that native Californians used was systematic burning of the landscape. They had extensive knowledge of when and where and which plants to burn, and burned in patches (Anderson 331). This pyrodiversity leads to greater biodiversity (Anderson 18). Burning promoted growth of selected species and helped to restore the ecosystem in a way which mimics natural disturbances. Anderson states that “large human disturbances that do not mimic perturbations in nature have the effect of simplifying ecosystems and drastically reducing the lands capacity for self-renewal” (Anderson 9). Native Californians used the rhythms and patterns of extensive observations to develop the best burning strategies.

Another practice that I believe was greatly beneficial to the biodiversity of California is the passing of traditional ecological knowledge. Extensive knowledge of harvesting seasons, frequency and intensity has been passed down through oral tradition (Anderson 332). Things such as taking only what you need, and respecting what the plant is giving to you are concepts that would be beneficial if taught to everyone.


Source: Tending the Wild. Kat Anderson. 2005.

Tuesday, November 6, 2012

Sinkyone Intertribal Wilderness Council-Personal Reflection from Oct 30 Presentation


Hawk Rosales began his presentation on October 30, 2012, by reminding the audience that we are on Wiyot territory. He said it is important to acknowledge place, and I agree with him on that. Although I believe Humboldt State is a school which provides many opportunities for learning that are not found elsewhere, I am surprised at how much time passed before I heard the first mention that this is tribal land.

Rosales’ presentation covered the history of the Sinkyone Intertribal Wilderness Council. The Sinkyone Intertribal Wilderness Council was formed in 1986, and has been working to amend Marine Life Protection Act to include considerations for tribal subsistence. Values of the organization include protection, restoration, and stewardship of natural resources and their communities.

                Rosales spoke on the process and experience in working with government organizations and universities. He mentioned some experiences that have been less than favorable, but although a different approach may be taken, both groups usually have a consistent purpose and goal in mind with regards to the protection, restoration, and stewardship of these areas.

I found this presentation to be very relatable to concepts from my Native American Studies courses, especially regarding collaboration between government and tribal organizations. Although there are differences in worldview, and a legacy of contention, many of these organizations share similar goals in the protection, restoration, and stewardship of the environment. The unfortunate aspect is that many organizations do not include the tribal perspective in their considerations until after decisions have been made. This makes it a tedious process for tribal organizations to assert their own rights to their culturally important areas.

The acquirement of the Four Corners property was another victory for the Sinkyone Intertribal Wilderness Council. The story of sally bell is a sad but important reminder of a specific period in time for this culture. These are the types of sites many modern archaeologists seek to preserve, that have association with people of cultural importance.

I thought the point made about being careful how things are talked about is important, and that only certain people are qualified to give such information. What is unfortunate is those who do produce “knowledge” for others are often producing it for themselves. Rosales mentioned briefly that history was written by “not natives”. I think this is one of the most important concepts. History was written completely one sided, and it unfortunately takes Americans until college or later (if ever) before they learn the true versions of history.

It is unfortunate that they have had some negative experiences working with universities, that researchers take information out of context. Because worldviews and perceptions can be different, collaboration efforts should be of the upmost importance for both sides.

I had a personal interest in his discussion on what they do for conservation, because I volunteered through the Cultural Resources Facility, located at Humboldt State University in their Department of Fish and Game 2012 survey season. A couple of the projects I took part in were just what Rosales mentioned. Our team of archaeologists and botanists surveys the proposed areas for these “large wood structures” to help with salmonid conservation. Our goal is to make sure there will be no heavy destructive construction in areas of sensitive cultural importance or rare plants. We work with tribes as monitors and as important collaborators with the goal of preserving these sites. To make sure they are not destroyed in the process of rehabilitating the environment. Along that topic, I think it is great they are including public access trails, so the general public can have a way to enjoy without destroying.

In regards to the MLPA and acts like it, the opinions of Indigenous peoples should be considered in any issue regarding natural resources. It is too often these opinions are ignored and disregarded, and it causes an unnecessary struggle between organizations, while adding to cultural stressors.